Despite the pivotal role played by Libyan women throughout the nation’s history, be it during the struggle for independence or the political transitions following 2011, their presence in decision-making institutions and the political arena remains limited. This reality reflects a state of continuous marginalisation within the Libyan political landscape.
Even though public discourse embraces notions of empowerment, equality, and political participation, the insufficient representation of women in core decision-making circles is evident. This situation is attributed to a combination of social, cultural, and political factors.
Representation “Below Expectations”
Almanassa surveyed the opinions of several women who have held political and legal positions regarding the issue of women’s exclusion. In this context, Abeer Amnina, Professor of Political Science and Public Administration at Benghazi University and a member of the Advisory Committee, stated that female representation in the legislative authority stands at 16%. She considers this figure to be “still below expectations,” as aspirations target a minimum of 30% of the designated quota for women. Amnina noted that the situation is slightly better at the municipal level, but representation remains “stagnant” at 16% in the legislative sphere.
Executive Authority Participation and Legal Hurdles
In a statement to Almanassa, Amnina felt the situation was “slightly better” in the executive branch. The Government of National Unity, formed after the Geneva agreement, was “positive” with women heading sovereign ministries such as Justice and Foreign Affairs, alongside the appointment of female undersecretaries and advisors. She stressed that the goal is to establish a precedent that ensures future numbers are coupled with effectiveness, the ability to influence and lead. She cautioned that selecting women based on tribal or factional quotas renders participation merely “formal.”
Regarding legal challenges, Amnina highlighted that legislation is fundamental in determining women’s participation. She criticised the allocation of only 10% for female participation in the Constituent Assembly elections (out of 60%), describing the percentage as “disappointing and unjust.” She also noted that the interpretation of laws can reduce participation, citing a “circumvention” of the local administration system law (Law 59), which stipulated “at least one woman.” This minimum threshold has effectively become the maximum adopted in electoral systems.
Amnina confirmed that legal challenges are among the main causes of low female representation, arguing that neglecting to properly allocate electoral districts for women leads to “systematic exclusion.” She stressed that the complicated political environment has negatively affected women, whose presence in public office is subject to the logic of regional, tribal, and factional quotas, as well as armed groups, leading to the marginalisation of those who uphold civil values.
Timid Participation and Continued Exclusion
For her part, Zainab Al-Zaidi, a member of the Constituent Drafting Assembly, affirmed that women’s participation in decision-making circles remains “timid.” In a statement to Almanassa, she clarified that women are indeed present in various ministries, shouldering the burden of continuity in vital sectors like education, health, economy, and municipal councils. However, their involvement in sovereign posts and decision-making sites is “very timid,” confirming the continued marginalisation of women and youth in Libya. Al-Zaidi warned that insistence on excluding women from decision-making roles will lead to a worsening situation, stressing that women face a “long journey to impose themselves.”
The Challenge of Societal Culture and Leadership
Jaziya Shuaiter, Professor of Criminal Law and a member of the Advisory Committee, asserted that Libyan political blocs and parties will not open the door to women unless compelled to do so by law. In a statement to Almanassa, she noted that while prevailing culture theoretically acknowledges women’s partnership with men in the political field, it clashes with a social, tribal, and religious reality that impedes empowerment.
Shuaiter explained that the Libyan society is going through a difficult transitional phase, and political openness to women will not occur unless there is political will translated into binding legal texts. She cited the roadmap, which mandated that female representation in the government must not be less than 25%, a requirement that was respected by the Government of National Unity and the Libyan Government. She believes that applying this principle in electoral laws will enforce women’s presence at 25% “by obligation or coercion,” thereby contributing to the establishment of a new public policy that fosters a more accepting societal culture towards women’s role in political life.
Regarding society’s acceptance of the idea of a “female leader,” Shuaiter explained that the Libyan social environment still leans towards tribalism and regionalism. The tribal system views women as a “source of pride, but not a leader,” because leadership, in their view, is reserved for men. She added that the religious system reinforces this perception through the principle of “guardianship belongs to men,” concluding that these cultural, social, and religious systems represent some of the most prominent obstacles to women emerging in leadership positions.